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사회계약(社會契約)
09/23/2011 12:09 댓글(0)   |  추천(1)

사회계약(社會契約)


한계에 이른 미국의 천문학적인 정부의 재정적자를 감축하기 위해서는 누군가가 세금을 더 내야 한다. 이때 부자는 중산층보다 더 큰 책임을 지고 세금을 더 내야 한다는 논쟁이 뜨겁다.


최근 오바마 대통령 역시 새로운 경기부양책과 관련하여 부유층에 대한 추가적인 세금부과의 필요성을 강조했다. 이에 대해 공화당을 중심으로 부유층은 새로운 ‘계급투쟁’이라고 강력하게 반발하고 있다.


뉴욕타임즈의 사설에서 크루그먼은 부자들이 막대하게 돈을 벌 수 있는 것은 그들에게 유리한 정부의 정책과 사회경제적 시스템 내지 사회계약(社會契約) 때문이라고 강변한다. 환언하여, 그들에게 알맞은 자본주의 제도와 법이 마련되어 있기 때문이라는 것이다. 따라서 그는 부자의 경우 공정한 몫 이상의 노불리스 오블리제가 요청된다고 하였다.


이러한 논쟁은 경제사회적 의무와 관련하여 부유층과 중산층 간의 갈등이 고조되고 있는 한국에게도 많은 시사점을 주고 있다 하겠다.    



The Social Contract    By Paul Krugman


 This week President Obama said the obvious: that wealthy Americans, many of whom pay remarkably little in taxes, should bear part of the cost of reducing the long-run budget deficit. And Republicans like Representative Paul Ryan responded with shrieks of “class warfare.”

 It was, of course, nothing of the sort. On the contrary, it’s people like Mr. Ryan, who want to exempt the very rich from bearing any of the burden of making our finances sustainable, who are waging class war.

 As background, it helps to know what has been happening to incomes over the past three decades. Detailed estimates from the Congressional Budget Office — which only go up to 2005, but the basic picture surely hasn’t changed — show that between 1979 and 2005 the inflation-adjusted income of families in the middle of the income distribution rose 21 percent. That’s growth, but it’s slow, especially compared with the 100 percent rise in median income over a generation after World War II.

 Meanwhile, over the same period, the income of the very rich, the top 100th of 1 percent of the income distribution, rose by 480 percent. No, that isn’t a misprint. In 2005 dollars, the average annual income of that group rose from $4.2 million to $24.3 million.

 So do the wealthy look to you like the victims of class warfare?

 To be fair, there is argument about the extent to which government policy was responsible for the spectacular disparity in income growth. What we know for sure, however, is that policy has consistently tilted to the advantage of the wealthy as opposed to the middle class.

 Some of the most important aspects of that tilt involved such things as the sustained attack on organized labor and financial deregulation, which created huge fortunes even as it paved the way for economic disaster. For today, however, let’s focus just on taxes.

 The budget office’s numbers show that the federal tax burden has fallen for all income classes, which itself runs counter to the rhetoric you hear from the usual suspects. But that burden has fallen much more, as a percentage of income, for the wealthy. Partly this reflects big cuts in top income tax rates, but, beyond that, there has been a major shift of taxation away from wealth and toward work: tax rates on corporate profits, capital gains and dividends have all fallen, while the payroll tax — the main tax paid by most workers — has gone up.

 And one consequence of the shift of taxation away from wealth and toward work is the creation of many situations in which — just as Warren Buffett and Mr. Obama say — people with multimillion-dollar incomes, who typically derive much of that income from capital gains and other sources that face low taxes, end up paying a lower overall tax rate than middle-class workers. And we’re not talking about a few exceptional cases.

 According to new estimates by the nonpartisan Tax Policy Center, one-fourth of those with incomes of more than $1 million a year pay income and payroll tax of 12.6 percent of their income or less, putting their tax burden below that of many in the middle class.

 Now, I know how the right will respond to these facts: with misleading statistics and dubious moral claims.

 On one side, we have the claim that the rising share of taxes paid by the rich shows that their burden is rising, not falling. To point out the obvious, the rich are paying more taxes because they’re much richer than they used to be. When middle-class incomes barely grow while the incomes of the wealthiest rise by a factor of six, how could the tax share of the rich not go up, even if their tax rate is falling?

 On the other side, we have the claim that the rich have the right to keep their money — which misses the point that all of us live in and benefit from being part of a larger society.

 Elizabeth Warren, the financial reformer who is now running for the United States Senate in Massachusetts, recently made some eloquent remarks to this effect that are, rightly, getting a lot of attention. “There is nobody in this country who got rich on his own. Nobody,” she declared, pointing out that the rich can only get rich thanks to the “social contract” that provides a decent, functioning society in which they can prosper.

 Which brings us back to those cries of “class warfare.”

 Republicans claim to be deeply worried by budget deficits. Indeed, Mr. Ryan has called the deficit an “existential threat” to America. Yet they are insisting that the wealthy — who presumably have as much of a stake as everyone else in the nation’s future — should not be called upon to play any role in warding off that existential threat.

 Well, that amounts to a demand that a small number of very lucky people be exempted from the social contract that applies to everyone else. And that, in case you’re wondering, is what real class warfare looks like.


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